Saturday, December 21, 2013

The Many Faces of Nelson Mandela


Madiba From A to Z: The Many Faces of Nelson Mandela
Danny Schechter (Jacana Media, (South Africa), Seven Stories Books (United States), 2013)

Conceptually, Madiba A to Z appears to be a simplistic format, but thankfully, the book is both thoughtful and inclusive.  Written by Danny Schechter, it is connected to the recent release of the movie, Long Walk to Freedom, and Schechter’s forthcoming documentary film, Inside Mandela: The Making and Meaning of Nelson Mandela’s Story.  Topical sections are broad and eclectic, but it is Schechter’s willingness, using interviews with Mandela comrades, journalists, scholars, and actors in the film, to tell Madiba’s story(s), the complexities of Mandela as revolutionary, politician, and much, much more.  As an oral historian who has worked with and collaborated with people to tell the stories of South Africans who fought the apartheid regime, I am very impressed by Danny Schechter’s ability to include the recollections and reflections of people he spoke with while researching his book.

It is also important not to underestimate Schechter’s own credentials, both within the South African struggle and as a political journalist.  The former is addressed briefly in the book, but the story of Schechter going into South Africa in the mid-sixties as part of the African National Congress’s propaganda campaign is told in more depth through his chapter in the book, London Recruits.  In addition, Schechter’s work as a journalist in South Africa, the United States, and throughout the world is unassailable.  Madiba A to Z addresses Nelson Mandela’s emotional and political lives.  The book honors Madiba, but it also speaks to the personal and political complexities as well as the great man’s flaws.  While I will not speak to everything from A to Z in the book, there are various issues that I will touch in this review.

According to Schechter his goal was to help people “join the conversation at a deep level.”  One of the first themes that stands out in the book is that Nelson Mandela viewed himself as a comrade – the work of the struggle, negotiations, and governing was collective.  There are stories of camaraderie throughout the book – within the struggle, from prison, and also during negotiations with the apartheid regime.  Schechter relates a story from Mandela’s university days when he would spend evenings in conversation at Ismail Meer’s flat, the political hub at the time.  Various people might be in attendance including Ruth First and Joe Slovo, whom Schechter writes of at various times in the book.  There was intense political discussion and organizing, but Mandela spoke holistically of being with comrades.  “There we studied and even danced until the early hours of the morning, and it became a kind of headquarters for young freedom fighters.”

Ronnie Kasrils, who has recently questioned aspects of both the negotiations and the early economic decisions of the post-1994 government, presented a comprehensive portrait of the comrade Mandela within the struggle against apartheid.

He was a man of defiance.  He led the masses in militant struggle, and he led us in armed struggle.  This is conveniently forgotten under the olive branch of Mandela the Saint.  If one has to understand him in total, you’ve got to look back to the man who with his colleagues, with his contemporaries, created this ANC, led our people through chapters of struggle, and then at a crucial point when nonviolent struggle became an impossible way to change the system, putting his head together with others, including with young people and the rank and file, was saying, “We’ve got to find another way and now we need to rise up with weapons.”

On being a comrade, Schechter also spoke with Verne Harris, who directs research at the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory.

It’s a tension that has played out inside of him too because there’s part of him that enjoys the adulation, there’s vanity.  He enjoys the crowds and the elevation.  But there’s another part that precisely feels uncomfortable with that.  “I’m part of a collective, I’ve always relied on others, I’ve had mentors, I’m part of a movement.” It’s complex.

Finally on the same topic, the book quotes Mandela.

A cardinal point that we must keep constantly in mind, the lodestar which keeps us in course, as we negotiate the uncharted twists and turns of the struggle for liberation is that the breakthrough is never the result of individual effort.  It is always a collective effort and triumph.

There are more examples and they all lead to questions for today – what does comrade now mean and what are the ANC connections with people on the ground?

Besides comprehensive themes there are snippets-so-to-speak – insights on Madiba throughout Schechter’s book.  The first chapter is titled “Athlete” and among other things it addresses the competitiveness through a prison visit story related to Schechter by Mandela’s long-time lawyer and friend George Bizos.

So they brought a wonderful tray of sandwiches and I noticed that I was having more sandwiches than Nelson was having.  And I said, “Why aren’t you having more?”  He then said that someone – I don’t remember who – had beaten him at tennis a couple of days earlier, and he had decided to become fitter in order to take his revenge.

On one occasion during negotiations competitiveness corresponded to both morality and the struggle.  The event occurred at a public meeting where speeches were given and President de Klerk positioned himself to talk last.  Madiba had already spoken and de Klerk used his time to attack the African National Congress.  Nelson Mandela was furious and strode directly to the microphone when de Klerk finished.  Sahm Venter, who works at The Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory, remembered the moment.  “He just got back up on the stage and let him have it, you know, cutting him off at the knees.  He could do that.  I think he stands with a great deal of moral authority.”

Madiba From A to Z includes an exemplary oral history of Mandela’s release from prison by combining Pippa Green’s journalism with the voices of Trevor Manual, Archbishop Tutu, Dullah Omar, Thabo Mbeki, and Jay Naidoo.  The release story is also the perfect bridge from prison to negotiations with the apartheid regime.  When Richard Stengel, the ghostwriter of Long Walk to Freedom, asked Mandela about the greatest affect of prison, he responded, “I came out mature.”  Archbishop Tutu spoke with Schechter.

He grew in his magnanimity.  He became able to put himself in the shoes of the other…. When he came out, only someone like him could have said to – especially these young angry types – that no, we’ve got to go for negotiations.  Very many of them had expected that they were going to march into Pretoria at the ends of the barrels of their guns.

The book is arguably most thoughtful when discussing Madiba’s role in negotiations with the apartheid regime.  Schechter writes about early talks that Mandela took part in while still in prison, and is careful to remind his readers that there was contact, through his lawyer, George Bizos, and also eventually by phone from prison, with Oliver Tambo and I would add sometimes Joe Slovo.  Schechter also addresses come of the criticisms of the formal negotiations, specifically from Ronnie Kasrils, but also provides the counterpoint through journalists Shaun Johnson and Allister Sparks.  Johnson argues that without the compromises that Madiba initiated, again with comrades, the country would have descended into civil war.  Sparks has written most prolifically on the negotiations – his book is entitled, The Mind of South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid.  Sparks strongly asserts, “The idea that Mandela sold out is absolutely rubbish.”

The chapter called “Negotiator” captures Nelson Mandela’s economic twists and turns – both in negotiations and as the President.  Opposing lead negotiators Cyril Ramaphosa and Rolf Meyer are introduced and one of the critics of the new South Africa’s free market economic plans, Patrick Bond, is quoted at length.  We are reminded of Madiba’s early assertions of nationalizing the mines and the banks, and also of Sampie Terrenblanche’s story of Mandela’s weekly lunches with Harry Oppenheimer, the CEO of Anglo American.  In addition, we are reminded of the agreements with the IMF as well as American businessmen and others at the Davos World Economic Forum, having a great effect on Mandela changing as a “free marketer.”  The chapter ends with critiques of the position from Kasrils and Jay Nadoo.

There is so much to learn about Nelson Mandela in this book – things that were yet to be written.  While internationally there has been both disappointment and criticisms of President Mandela’s addressing HIV-AIDS, we learn in this book of his apologies to the AIDS activists upon leaving office as well as his attempts to influence President Mbeki on the issue.

We learn of powerful non-public actions that Mandela took – honoring, helping, and celebrating individuals whose names we don’t know.  Yet, while Danny Schechter’s book honors Madiba, the author does not shy away from the critiques.

There is some irony, of course, in the fact that Madiba A to Z was released just before Nelson Mandela died.  In a chapter entitled “Onward,” Schechter opines on how the memorialization would play out.  We now know the breadth of eulogies and articles – mostly of course honoring and some making Madiba a saint not a man.  Danny Schechter does treat Nelson Mandela as a man – a great man, but a man.  This is a book with new insights on Madiba, quite incredible because the list of prior books and articles is vast.  The book is special because the format, laying out Madiba A to Z, clearly facilitates the portrayal of the complexities of Nelson Mandela.

Sunday, December 15, 2013

City Press -- Ten Best Books on the Struggle


The 10 best … books from the generation of the struggle (other than Long Walk to Freedom)
Charles Cilliers #Mandela 15 December 2013 10:50
As we bid our first citizen farewell on the road to his final journey, Charles Cilliers compiles a list of the 10 best books that encapsulate the spirit of those who were at the forefront of the fight

1 Odyssey to Freedom by George Bizos
Legal legend George Bizos’ life was dedicated in almost every respect to defending the ideal of human rights. Barely 13, he had to flee his ­native Greece during the Nazi occupation in 1941 (after helping to save six New Zealand soldiers). He and his ­father arrived in Joburg with just the clothes on their backs. At the start, ­Bizos was unable to speak any English, but he went on to be part of the defence for the Rivonia Trial, the Cradock Four and so many more. This autobiography is an absorbing read and it passes the 600-page mark without breaking a sweat. A tome for all time.
Published by Umuzi, R288.64 on kalahari.com

2 When Hope and History Rhyme by Amina Cachalia
Cachalia and her husband, Yusuf, represented everything that was inspiring and hopeful about the ANC-led march to change in South Africa. It’s also clear in this book that Madiba always nursed a playful crush on the lovely Amina, who helped to organise the 1956 women’s march and arranged the escape of Arthur Goldreich, Harold Wolpe and others from Marshall Square Prison in 1963. In these pages, which Amina wrote shortly before her death this year aged 83, Mandela’s ­generation comes to life
 – sometimes inspiringly and often with quite unflattering honesty.
Published by Picador, R212.93 on kalahari.com

3 491 Days: Prisoner Number 1323/69 by Winnie Madikizela-Mandela
This book is based for the most part on a journal that Madikizela-Mandela kept while imprisoned by the security police for 18 months. Starting in 1970, the book provides a painful insight into the psychological torture that Madiba’s then wife was subjected to. While the more recent years may have tarnished her image, this window into the psyche of a determined anti-apartheid voice is a reminder of why Winnie has been the mother of the ­nation and why her views of what should have happened in South Africa post-apartheid have been so radically different to Madiba’s.
Published by Picador, R156 on kalahari.com

4 Memoirs by Ahmed Kathrada
As a fellow Robben Island political prisoner and a highly reflective intellectual presence, Kathrada became the trusted confidant of Madiba, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and other political prisoners on Robben Island. In his small patch of garden on the island, Kathrada buried the original draft of Long Walk to Freedom, ­until it could be unearthed and smuggled to London by Mac Maharaj. Only one of several books by Kathrada, this one offers unique glimpses into the lives of the biggest names of the anti-apartheid movement.
Published by Zebra, R216.47 on kalahari.com

5 The Mission: A Life for Freedom in South Africa by Denis Goldberg
As a young civil engineer, Denis Goldberg campaigned with the ANC and joined Mandela’s armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe. He was sentenced to life in prison with seven of the other trialists, but was not sent to Robben Island as the prison system, like everything else, was racially segregated. After Goldberg’s release in 1985, he went into exile in London and continued his work with the ANC. This tireless activist memorably said: “Being black and involved [in the struggle] meant you had the support of many people and it meant you got to be part of a community. Being white and involved meant ­being isolated.”
Published by STE, R195 on kalahari.com

6 Walter & Albertina Sisulu: In Our Lifetime by Elinor Sisulu
Authored by the Sisulus’ daughter-in-law, this political love story spans five decades. It is a warm contrast to the tragic pairing of Madiba and Winnie. Walter and Albertina grew up just a few villages apart in the Eastern Cape and not even history’s greatest forces were able to ultimately separate them. As Walter saw out his 26 years in prison with Mandela, Albertina played a crucial role in keeping the ANC alive underground, waiting for the husband she knew would return to her some day.
Published by New Africa Books, R177.01 on ­kalahari.com

7 Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War Against Apartheid by Alan Wieder
The Slovos were at the forefront of the struggle and constantly presented an enormous challenge to the apartheid state, from within its borders and later from exile. Joe was at the helm of much of Umkhonto weSizwe’s armed struggle and Ruth lost her life to a letter bomb posted to her by an apartheid spy. This is the first extended biography of the couple and Wieder weaves together the existing documentary record with his own interviews, collected over many years, to paint a remarkable portrait of two people united by love and a common cause.
Published by Jacana, R257.07 on kalahari.com

8 Bram Fischer: Afrikaner Revolutionary by Stephen Clingman
Fischer turned his back on all he had been raised to believe in after his birth into a prominent Afrikaner nationalist family. He went on to lead the legal defence at the Rivonia Trial and was himself later sentenced to life imprisonment for his activities against the apartheid state. Like Mandela, he was forced to go underground and spent nine months in disguise, becoming South Africa’s most wanted man. This book paints a compelling portrait of how dedication to a higher cause ­supersedes loyalties to race, culture and even family.
Published by Jacana, R239.04 on kalahari.com

9 No Future Without Forgiveness by Desmond Tutu
Madiba’s close friend and fellow Nobel laureate has written several books, but this one chronicles Tutu’s life in the lead-up to perhaps his most defining period as the head of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Written with all the honesty and wit that we have come to associate with the Arch, Tutu points out the important lessons from the TRC for other parts of the world that have to deal with the aftermath of painful political division and conflict.
Published by Rider, R157.84 on kalahari.com

10 Armed & Dangerous: From Undercover Struggle to freedom by Ronnie Kasrils
Kasrils’ autobiography begins with the underground resistance of the 1950s and 1960s in the SA Communist Party and how he fled the country after the arrest of Mandela. He went on to set up Umkhonto weSizwe training camps as far away as Cuba and became notorious as the Red Pimpernel, slipping in and out of South Africa in disguise on secret missions. The book ends with the description of Kasrils’ involvement in the disastrous march on Bisho in 1992, which ended in yet another, but final, apartheid-era massacre.
Published by Jacana, R225.50 on kalahari.com

Friday, December 13, 2013

Counterfire - London


Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War against Apartheid

Friday, 13 December 2013 21:06
Written by Paul Hartley
Two leading activists of the fight against Apartheid, Ruth First and Joe Slovo, for the first time have received a comprehensive biography
Alan Wieder, Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War against Apartheid (Monthly Review Press 2013), 390pp.

As tributes to Nelson Mandela continue to fill the pages of newspapers it is right that we remember his legacy and his leadership of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. But it is also right that we take a sober view of South Africa’s complex history without forgetting the many other figures that stood beside Mandela in the war against apartheid.

Alan Wieder’s Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War against Apartheid is a remarkable political biography of two activists who devoted their lives to the struggle for equality in South Africa. For their part in the fight against apartheid Joe Slovo and Ruth First were hunted and persecuted by the regime. Both were arrested, banned from speaking, exiled and targeted by the apartheid regime’s killers. Slovo, although more centrally involved in the armed fight against apartheid, survived to serve in Mandela’s government in 1994, but First was assassinated by the regime in 1982.

Ruth First and Joe Slovo are arguably among the most important of the anti-apartheid activists. They remained at the heart of the struggle throughout their lives, although their contributions to it were very different. First was a journalist, an academic, a teacher, and a public intellectual who contributed to the worldwide understanding of apartheid. Slovo was one of the principal leaders of the armed fight against the regime as a founding member, organiser and chief tactician of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). He oversaw the training of MK fighters in Angola, and masterminded many of its successful operations, such as its attack on the SASOL oil refinery in 1980.

The book is also a reminder of how central the South Africa Communist Party (SACP) was to the struggle against apartheid. It provided the ANC with a broader theoretical perspective, linked apartheid to worldwide problems, and gave a political direction to the ANC’s direct action. The SACP believed that ‘a nationalist movement could not end oppression because it did not address the essential issues of world imperialism and a class-divided South African society’ (p.67).
First and Slovo were among the SACP members who understood the importance of setting the ANC’s local, nationalist tactics within a wider struggle against capitalism and imperialism. When the SACP and the ANC formed an alliance in 1950, First and Slovo were instrumental in laying the groundwork for co-operation. It was First who persuaded Mandela to work with the SACP. Slovo later helped Mandela to found MK, the SACP-ANC joint military force. Both men became important military leaders, with Slovo taking the reins of MK after Mandela’s arrest.

The couple met at the University of the Witwatersrand during anti-racist activities of the Communist student association. Joe Slovo had returned from fighting in the South African army during the Second World War, where he was witness to the cruel irony that even during the war no black South African was allowed to bear arms. He wrote that if a black man ‘wanted to serve democracy he could do so wielding only a knobkierie (fighting stick, club), as a uniformed manservant of a white soldier’ (p.45). Slovo studied law alongside Mandela, and became a practicing lawyer who defended blacks who were detained under the apartheid regime. Ruth First became a journalist and later editor at the Johannesburg Guardian – the paper was forced to change its name many times due to government censorship – and documented the brutality of the regime against the black population.

Weider does not shy away from the contradictory position that Slovo and First occupied as white, middle-class activists in a largely black struggle. Their experience of the anti-apartheid struggle was very different to that of the black activists. Although both suffered severe persecution at the hands of the apartheid regime, and both were imprisoned ­– Ruth First particularly brutally, spending 117 days in solitary confinement without being charged with an offence – as Weider makes clear, even in prison they had a ‘white’ experience that cannot be compared to the treatment of the black activists. Slovo himself, remarking on the fact that all the prison diaries were written by white comrades, reflects that, ‘as bad as [prison] was for whites, it was bearable. But for blacks it was hell and they didn’t want to speak about it’ (p.283).

Although the book purports to be about Ruth First and Joe Slovo as a married couple, the extent to which it is necessary for Weider to treat his two subjects separately is notable. There are clearly several reasons for this. First, despite both being public figures in their own right, they kept their relationship a relatively private affair. Secondly, and more importantly, although their dedication to the anti-apartheid cause and socialism was shared, First and Slovo adopted divergent theoretical and practical methods; so much so that tempestuous disagreements frequently broke out between them. Slovo remained committed to the South Africa Communist Party and its ties to the Soviet Union throughout his life, and despite his warmth and humanity was often unfairly depicted as a ‘rabid Stalinist’ (p.210). Ruth First’s relationship with the USSR and party orthodoxy was much weaker, and the couple fell out publicly over the Soviet Union’s invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, for example. Any attempt to sketch a single narrative for the couple would therefore be futile.

When the couple entered political exile in London in 1964, Slovo threw himself into party work, and maintained his leadership of MK’s armed activity. He organised the MK’s military incursions into South Africa and sabotage operations from the ANC’s offices in Goodge Street, around which buzzed a lively expatiate community of South African political exiles, including Yusuf Dadoo and Ronnie Kasrils.

Ruth First used the exile period to write and study, becoming involved with the New Left, whose theoretical perspective was frowned on by the SACP. She got to know figures such as Tariq Ali and Ralph Miliband, whom she studied under at LSE and befriended. Miliband later described her as ‘the least “utopian” of revolutionaries; but she was not in the least “disillusioned”… she deplored the shortcomings, stupidities and crimes of her own side. But this never dimmed her sense that there was a struggle to be fought’ (p.157).

First remained grounded in Marxist revolutionary theory, but the New Left perspective enabled her to tread an intellectual path away from the Communist Party orthodoxy to which Joe Slovo remained committed. In London, as she started to become known as a public intellectual, she expounded a unique perspective on the South African political situation. She gave public speeches at Trafalgar Square, and her wide-ranging intellectual activity during this period included work on Frantz Fanon, and a study with Jonathan Steele of the London Guardian into the mutually supportive relationship between large-scale capitalism and the apartheid regime.

When the couple returned to Africa to be more closely involved in the struggle in 1977 – Ruth First, in particular, was uncomfortable being so distant from the activists who remained in Africa – the difference between their methods became even clearer. Slovo principally spent his time overseeing the military camps in Angola, where the MK’s fighters were being trained. By the late 1970s, he had become ‘the principal teacher in the military at the time, the theoretical, strategy side of things’ (p.213). He learned from a number of revolutionary sources, applying their methods to the South African struggle. In 1978 he was part of a group of MK leaders who travelled to Vietnam to learn from the successful guerrilla war there.

Ruth First settled in Mozambique and, until her assassination in 1982, taught at the Centre for African Studies in Maputo, where she developed a radical socialist pedagogical method that combined teaching with ‘direct revolutionary force’ (p.225). This was both a world away from Slovo’s military approach to the struggle, and a means of combining the diffuse aspects of her life’s work; in Maputo the ‘political struggle was directly integrated into her everyday work of teaching, research and writing’ (p.226). She continued to teach central Communist texts, and she argued that Lenin should be taught not as a model for all to follow, but because ‘his analysis of forms of rural social formation … and his theses on co-operation are highly relevant here and now’ (p.226). She aimed to find ways of teaching poor workers to apply socialist theory in practice. She regarded this as being the most productive period in her life.

Although Ruth First and Joe Slovo have both written short autobiographical works, Weider’s is the first complete biography of the couple. Given its wealth of detail, the wide range of interviews that Weider has conducted, and the letters to which he has been granted access, it deserves to remain the definitive biography of First and Slovo for a long time. In a study of this sort there is a delicate balance to maintain between the personal and the political lives of the subjects, but Weider renders both with clarity. The interviews flesh out the political and historical context from the perspective of those who were involved in it, such as former members of MK, while allowing the complexities of First’s and Slovo’s personalities to emerge. Their passion and commitment to the struggle becomes more comprehensible through the eyes of those who knew them closely. This timely book should be read by all who seek to understand the remarkable couple and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa in depth.

 

Louisville Newspaper Review


Early foes of apartheid cut broad swath
Dec. 12, 2013 3:53 PM   |  
Written by
Catherine Fosl
Special to the Courier-Journal

Until the recent commentary surrounding the death of Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first democratically elected president, many Americans knew little about apartheid, the brutal system of racial separation and subjugation that governed that nation for nearly half of the 20th century, or about how and why it ended.
Beginning with dissent inside the country and spreading to become global by the 1980s, the struggle against apartheid is one of modern history’s most dramatic social justice movements. Thousands of resisters suffered extreme reprisals — imprisonment, banning, exile, torture, even murder — at the hands of a regime increasingly desperate to maintain white control.

“Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War Against Apartheid” by Alan Weider confirms that the battle against apartheid was headed by blacks, most notably Mandela, who spent 27 years imprisoned for his unyielding dissent. Yet the movement also had a small core of dedicated white leaders, many of whom were also Communists who saw racism and colonialism as the front lines of a wider attack on capitalism.
Journalist Ruth First and her attorney-husband Joe Slovo were particular thorns in the side of the apartheid government not only because they were white but also because they were among its most articulate, affluent, totally committed, and radical critics. Both also were longtime members of the South African Communist Party. Their quest to end apartheid began in the 1940s at its inception.

For First, living in exile in Mozambique, it ended in 1982 when South African security forces sent her a plain brown envelope that exploded when she opened it, killing her instantly. A question lingers in this volume and generally as to why First and not Slovo was the target. He was surely the more threatening, by then a leading strategist of the movement’s campaign of armed border incursions that ultimately proved instrumental in bringing the apartheid government to the negotiating table.

White in a black-led movement, a woman in a man’s world, and an elite who sought to end inequality of wealth, Ruth First used her typewriter as her sword but was rarely at ease with herself or others. Although Wieder devotes considerable attention to her extraordinary, complex persona, he draws a fuller portrait of the more affable Slovo, and the book flows most easily through Slovo’s later years, when he remarried and became minister of housing under Mandela in the new South Africa.

This is the first joint biography of Slovo and First, but there are other books about them. Notable among these is “Every Secret Thing,” a 1997 memoir by Gillian Slovo, their middle daughter. Readers interested in the entwining of the political and personal may find it a more accessible introduction to the couple because Wieder’s focus on their work and thought makes for a drier read.

Catherine Fosl is an associate professor of women’s and gender studies and director of the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville.

December Book of the Month - Cape Jewish Chronicle

Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War Against Apartheid was named book of the month in the Cape Jewish Chronicle. Ironically, the other first mention in South Africa was also a Cape Town publication, Muslim Views.

Cape Jewish Chronicle December 2013

Book of the month
Ruth First And Joe Slovo In
The War Against Apartheid
By Alan Wieder

A superbly written biography of the two activists. It looks at their roots in the Eastern European shtetl, from where they transferred their socialist leanings to this county , lifting the shrouds of
myth and hagiography around them.

The deeply human angle of their personalities, their turbulent relationship and passionate disagreements are lovingly unearthed, whilst due justice is done to their intense courage, honesty, integrity and intellect, underscored by their passionate zest for life.

Their intimate connection with the other giants of the movement turns this book into a compulsory history of the South African struggle.

Thursday, December 12, 2013

Teaching for Change


Do you read the columns by John Nichols of The Nation Magazine? Now find out what he is reading. Nichols stopped by our Teaching for Change bookstore at Busboys and Poets today and got a copy the timely and fantastic book "Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War Against Apartheid" (Monthly Review) by Alan Wieder. Have you got a copy yet? If not, please order from us here: http://bit.ly/16cvMut Photo by Don Allen. — with Ruth First, Alan Wieder and Joe Slovo.



Tuesday, December 3, 2013

Stephen Ellman's blog Now Without Hesitation

The "Camelot" years in the anti-apartheid struggle

A fascinating feature of Alan Wieder's biography, Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War against Apartheid (2013), is his reference to the 1950s as "Camelot" for white people who were part of the struggle against apartheid. As Wieder says, it was Gillian Slovo, one of the children of First and Slovo, who applied this term, and, one senses, she didn't do so entirely approvingly. The Slovo children clearly suffered from their parents' intense commitment to the struggle, as the children of other public men and women have often struggled, and Gillian Slovo's perhaps unhappy characterization of her parents' world should be understood against this background.

Nevertheless, the word may be apt. Nadine Gordimer's book Burger's Daughter -- a work of fiction, but connected to the actual life of a leading South African anti-apartheid lawyer, Bram Fischer -- vividly describes the partying of the day. It was, it seems, exciting to oppose apartheid in those years. And why shouldn't it have been? The whole world was moving away from doctrines of racial inequality, and surely South Africa would not sustain its isolation from this progressive trend indefinitely. Victory was coming. Meanwhile, though there were risks and consequences, they were much less severe than they would soon become. In the 1950s, of the many anti-apartheid leaders and activists who were accused in the Treason Trial, not one was convicted. And when police raided your house (as I think Stephen Clingman recounted in his biography of Fischer, Bram Fischer: Afrikaner Revolutionary (2000)), you offered them tea -- if you were white. A measure of the romantic flavor of the time is that many people apparently didn't take the precautions their clandestine efforts really called for. And, while the political struggle went on, the opponents of apartheid were able to live a life that crossed racial lines -- lines that no other South Africans dared cross.

Things would soon grow worse. A state of emergency and a host of laws that made emergency rule part of regular life, a series of successful prosecutions (including of Bram Fischer), and the institutionalization of police torture changed the world of anti-apartheid opposition. It would take till the 1970s for a spirit of opposition to begin to flourish again. It's all the easier to understand how powerful the state oppression of those years was, when we know how much had been dreamt of and lost from the 1950s.